Wednesday, April 23, 2014

Racism has been worse on the left

Seth Frantzman (pictured), opinion editor at the centre-right Jerusalem Post, jumps ship in order to sound off on Israeli racism in the Forward, a centre-left publication. Racism, he argues, has always been more virulent on the left. What about Mizrahi racism towards others , one may ask. In the last analysis, however, the state itself has overridden  individual objections and prejudice to open its doors  to Jews  of all backgrounds and circumstances.  It cannot be faulted for that.

Since the 1950s, this legacy of ethnocentrism has haunted Israel. When the philosopher Hannah Arendt visited Israel in 1961, she described her fear of Jews who “looked Arab but spoke Hebrew,” calling them “an Oriental mob.” In 1981, singer Dudu Topaz castigated non-Ashkenazi Jewish voters as “chachachim,” a derogatory term. In 1983, Shulamit Aloni lambasted Sephardic Shas supporters as “barbarous tribal forces.” Shmuel Schnitzer, a journalist, described in 1995 Ethiopian Jews as “thousands of apostates bearing disease.” Noted author Amos Elon pondered in 1953 what effect Moroccan Jews’ “uncontrolled fertility would have on the Jewish people’s genetic robustness,” and in a 2004 interview he was still claiming that “political primitiveness” came from immigrants to Israel.
This narrative of what Ehud Barak called a “villa in the jungle” has cast an immense shadow over the ability to confront racism in Israel. Stereotyping against citizens who are not considered European-origin “sabras” has been an integral part of the left and right, but ironically in Israel, it has been particularly virulent on the left. Ari Shavit states without compunction in his 2013 book “My Promised Land” that “many Oriental Jews are not aware of what Israel saved them from, a life of misery and backwardness in an Arab Middle East.” 

Tuesday, April 22, 2014

Going to law to recover the archive

 The books and documents ready packed for shipment from Iraq to the US in 2003

If you are following the controversy over the Iraqi-Jewish archive, you could do worse than follow the website called Docex. This specialises in exploring the legal issues surrounding captured documents, cultural property, etc.This entry looks into the possiblity of using the US court system to prevent the return of the archives to Iraq.

The ongoing controversy over the Iraqi Jewish Archives (discussed in other contexts hereherehere, and here) -- which were found in Iraqi intelligence headquarters in Baghdad in 2003, brought to the United States for preservation, and are currently on display at the National Archives -- appears fairly straightforward: should they or should they not be returned to Iraq?

The U.S. government is planning to return the archives to Iraq next year, but there is significant opposition. An online petition and letters from Sen. Schumer and other members of Congress to Secretary of State John Kerry demand that the United States not return them.  Separately, Iraq has indicated it may be willing to negotiate to allow them to stay longer -- but still temporarily -- in the United States.

This post (the first of several on the debate) explores another potential forum for the controversy: a U.S. court. Could a lawsuit prevent the return of the archives and/or challenge Iraqi government assertions of ownership?

The short answer is that the chances of formally blocking the return of the archives to Iraq by court order are slim, but there is a navigable path to persuading a U.S. court to adjudicate legal ownership over the archives.  While litigation is often a poor method of dispute resolution, the Iraqi Jewish archives may present a scenario in which a court's careful balancing of the property rights of individuals with the sovereign rights of Iraq and a fact-intensive examination of the history, the law, and the documents could be uniquely valuable.

Read entry in full

" All (upper) middle class:" Egyptian Jews

 The Israeli resort of Eilat, where those attending a May Congress on the Jews of Egypt will be able to combine a holiday with a conference

 An Italian historian with a fresh approach to Egyptian Jewry  will feature among the presenters at a conference on the Jews of Egypt in the holiday resort of Eilat next month:

"We're all middle class now" -or even upper middle class - might best describe Egyptian Jews up to their mass exodus in the 1950s - even if they did not have money or status.

According to an Italian historian, Jews in Cairo and Alexandria identified as 'upper bourgeois' in culture, leisure and family values, behaviour and self-image.  

Dr Dario Miccoli, a historian from the Ca'Foscari University in Venice, will expound on the 'bourgeois' identity of Egyptian Jews at the Fifth World Congress of the Jews of Egypt in Eilat, Israel on 12-14 May 2014.

Congress president Levana Zamir said of Dr Miccoli:"finally a researcher, who  is not Jewish, has managed to formulate the 'bourgeois characteristics' of this vibrant, cosmopolitan community of Jews from Egypt until the mid-1950s. This community no longer exists but is dispersed all over the world, except when it gathers from time to time at world congresses such as that being held in Eilat."

At the Congress Dr Miccoli will present his book "Histories of the Jews of Egypt: an imagined bourgeoisie, 1880s - 1950s", soon to be published in the UK by Routledge.

Among other topics the Congress will discuss is "All you wanted to know about compensation to the Jews of Egypt and other Arab countries". A huge amount of communal and private property was left behind when Egyptian Jews fled. Only 14 of a community of 80, 000 remain.

For more information on the Congress (12 -14 May, Eilat) please click here.     

Monday, April 21, 2014

Mimouna Club braves ostracism

 The Mimouna Club in front of the Jewish Museum in Casablanca

To mark the end of the festival of Passover tonight, Moroccan Jews will celebrate the Mimouna. This unique symbol of Jewish-Arab connection, when Muslim neighbours brought pancakes and other leaven into Jewish homes, is now the name of a club started by Moroccan Muslim students. Of course, if Moroccans have anything to do with Jews and Israel, they run the risk of stigmatisation and ostracism, as Aomar Boum remarks in this Tablet article. See my comment below. (with thanks: Michelle) 

 The Club is called Mimouna, after the traditional Moroccan Jewish post-Passover celebration welcoming the return of leavened bread. For Moroccan Jews, Mimouna signifies the promise of redemption and the hopeful return of the messiah. Israel recognized it as a national holiday in 1966; the Mimouna Club contends that the observance deserves a place in Moroccan culture and society, as a celebration of ethnic diversity.

Today, it has foundation status and chapters in Fès, Rabat, Tetouan, and Marrakech. In December, I met a few members of the foundation in Rabat, where they were preparing to launch a cultural caravan, a 300-mile traveling roadshow about Moroccan Judaism. I asked them why they care about a topic that could potentially bring them nothing but stigma and social rejection. Almost all of them highlighted how little Moroccan youth know about their history and how significant it is for their compatriots beyond the walls of university campuses to embrace Morocco’s cultural diversity.

 For many Moroccans, particularly younger ones, the country’s Jewish story is part of the past and has no place in post-independence society. “How could we have a club about Moroccan Jews many of whom occupy Palestinian lands today?” one Mimouna critic in Casablanca whispered to me during a visit I made in 2010. It was an attitude I knew well from my anthropological and ethnographic research on Moroccan Jewish communities—but the social pressure on me as a professional ethnographer was minimal compared to the pressures the student members of Mimouna face.

A few acknowledged their frustration and anxiety about being ostracized just because of their interest in learning about Moroccan Judaism—really, about Moroccan history. Recently, the name of one of the Mimouna club members was listed in a public document published online by the Moroccan Observatory Against Normalization with Israel, alongside names such as André Azoulay, an adviser to King Mohammed VI; Driss El-Yazami the president of the National Human Rights Council; and Berber, or Amazigh, activists, some of whom have contact with Israeli institutions, citizens, and other public organizations.

 But when I spoke to these students in the course of completing work for a book on the monarchy, Jews, and Holocaust politics in Morocco, I was surprised to find that their interest in the history of Jewish-Muslim relations emerged from their own lives. The majority of them were born and raised in Casablanca, Rabat, Marrakech, and Fès and knew their hometowns had complex histories. Elmehdi Boudra, the co-founder of the club at Al-Akhawayn—who subsequently went on to earn a master’s degree in coexistence and conflict from Brandeis—talked to me about how he never knew, growing up in Casablanca, about the longstanding relations between Jews and Muslims in the old city.

Boudra was also inspired by one of the group’s early mentors, Simon Lévy, a renowned linguist of Judeo-Arabic and Judeo-Spanish, a political dissident, and former director of the Jewish Museum of Casablanca who also played major role in Moroccan politics since Independence as one of the leading figures of the Party of Progress and Socialism founded by Ali Ya’ta. Another student, Sami Gaidi, described how he went to school in Rabat with Moroccan Jews with whom he remained in touch; a third, Myriam Mallouk, talked about how she was hosted by a Moroccan Jewish family while studying law in France.

In 1998, in a famous Le Monde Diplomatique article titled “Israel-Palestine: A Third Way,” Edward Said responded to Arab critics after his call for seeking communication with Jewish partners in an article that he published for al-Hayat newspaper in June 1998. Said called on Arabs to engage Jews in a responsible conversation including understanding the Holocaust. “When I mentioned the Holocaust in an article I wrote last November, I received more stupid vilification than I ever thought possible; one famous intellectual even accused me of trying to gain a certificate of good behaviour from the Zionist lobby,” Said wrote. “Of course, I support Garaudy’s right to say what he pleases and I oppose the wretched loi Gayssot under which he was prosecuted and condemned. But I also think that what he says is trivial and irresponsible, and when we endorse it, it allies us necessarily with Le Pen and all the retrograde right-wing fascist elements in French society.”

 Mimouna has taken the challenge to heart. In 2011, the club attracted international attention after its members organized a conference on the record of Morocco’s King Mohammed V during World War II, when he resisted orders from the Vichy government to deport Jews living inside the kingdom. For the students, the point of organizing a conference on the Holocaust was to educate their fellow Moroccans about a period when refugees from Europe—many, though not all, Jewish—found shelter in Morocco before the Allies landed at Safi and Casablanca in late 1942.

 It was, one of them told me, a first step—“which is listening to the other and building a trustworthy relationship and a responsible discussion.” Speakers at the conference included a Holocaust survivor—a first for an Arab university. Within Morocco, Khalid Soufyani and other members of the anti-normalization movement argued that the conference undermined the Palestinians and their fight against Israeli occupation. Even Sion Assidon—a Moroccan Jew and former political dissident, critic of Zionism and Israel, and proponent of the BDS movement—harshly critiqued the club for what he saw as implicitly advocating normalization of relations with Israel.

 A year after the Holocaust conference, 16 members of the club took a trip to Israel, where they had a firsthand experience of daily encounters between Jews and Muslims—and the realities of the conflict in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, Haifa, and Ramallah and other places. They were also able to meet different generations of Moroccan Jews in Israel and the West Bank.

The trip was organized in collaboration with Kivunim, a New York-based gap-year program created by Peter Geffen, the founder of the Heschel School on the Upper West Side. Geffen took the students to Jerusalem and Ramallah—and to Ashdod, where they visited a statue to Hassan II that stands in a city park. These young students reflected on the complexities of the conflict as their minds and emotions struggled to bridge the distance between Yad Vashem, Deir Yassin, the Haram al-Sharif, and the Western Wall.

Despite the anxieties of the experience, they cherished meeting in person Israelis and American Jews as well as Palestinian Arabs, Christians, and Muslims. When I asked a student if he regretted making the trip after it attracted public criticism, he replied with confidence. “No, I do not regret the trip,” he told me. “I developed a strong friendship with Israelis and Palestinians who work together as we speak now for a possible, just, and peaceful world. It is tough. But the fact of seeing Israeli women standing between an Israeli soldier and a Palestinian worker gives me hope.”

 Read article in full

 My comment: The Mimouna club should be applauded for taking risks to build bridges between the two communities.They have been brave enough to arrange a trip to Israel; they have had to fend off accusations of normalisation with Israel. But I am uneasy about the kind of Israel they were taken to see. It is an Israel which confirms the Arab version of history - a version which sees Palestinians as victims. At the same time, it confirms the myth that Moroccans saved Jews during WW2. I bet that these young people were told nothing about Arab antisemitism.

 I am further uneasy that Boum quotes, of all people, Edward Said. Arabs should acknowledge the Holocaust so as not to be bracketed with far right fascists, he said. A bizarre and disingenuous argument.

Pro-Jewish students suffered antisemitism

Holocaust conference has its dangers 

Aomar Boum: A market without Jews is like bread without salt

Sunday, April 20, 2014

Israel champions persecuted Christians

Who would have thunk it? Israel has taken on the mantle of champion of persecuted Christians in the Middle East, rather like the western powers did in the 19th century. In his speech to the UN (reproduced as an op-ed in the Wall St Journal) ambassador Ron Prosor puts the persecution of Christians in the context of the ethnic cleansing of the Jewish population of the region. (With thanks: Eliyahu)


An expert comments on Ron Prosor's UN speech on Fox News. The problem, she says, is that western states divorce politics and human rights in their dealings with the main offenders.

  This week, as Jews celebrate the Passover holiday, they are commemorating the Bible's Exodus story describing a series of plagues inflicted on ancient Egypt that freed the Israelites, allowing them to make their way to the Holy Land. But over the past century, another exodus, driven by a plague of persecution, has swept across the Middle East and is emptying the region of its Christian population.

The persecution is especially virulent today. The Middle East may be the birthplace of three monotheistic religions, but some Arab nations appear bent on making it the burial ground for one of them. For 2,000 years, Christian communities dotted the region, enriching the Arab world with literature, culture and commerce. At the turn of the 20th century, Christians made up 26% of the Middle East's population. Today, that figure has dwindled to less than 10%.

Intolerant and extremist governments are driving away the Christian communities that have lived in the Middle East since their faith was born. In the rubble of Syrian cities like Aleppo and Damascus, Christians who refused to convert to Islam have been kidnapped, shot and beheaded by Islamist opposition fighters. In Egypt, mobs of Muslim Brotherhood members burn Coptic Christian churches in the same way they once obliterated Jewish synagogues. And in Iraq, terrorists deliberately target Christian worshippers.

This past Christmas, 26 people were killed when a bomb ripped through a crowd of worshipers leaving a church in Baghdad's southern Dora neighborhood. Christians are losing their lives, liberties, businesses and their houses of worship across the Middle East. It is little wonder that native Christians have sought refuge in neighboring countries—yet in many cases they find themselves equally unwelcome.

Over the past 10 years, nearly two-thirds of Iraq's 1.5 million Christians have been driven from their homes. Many settled in Syria before once again becoming victims of unrelenting persecution. Syria's Christian population has dropped from 30% in the 1920s to less than 10% today. I

n January, a report by the nondenominational Christian nonprofit organization Open Doors documented the 10 most oppressive countries for Christians; nine were Muslim-majority states noted for Islamic extremism, and the 10th was North Korea. These tyrannical regimes uphold archaic blasphemy and defamation-of-religion laws under the guise of protecting religious expression. In truth, these measures amount to systematic repression of non-Islamic groups.

Last year in Saudi Arabia, two men were prosecuted for the "crime" of converting a woman to Christianity and helping her flee the Islamic kingdom. According to the Saudi Gazette, one of the men, a Lebanese, was sentenced to six years in prison and 300 lashes, and the other man, a Saudi, was sentenced to two years and 200 lashes. Those are relatively mild sentences in Saudi Arabia, where conversion to another religion is punishable by death.

 The "justice system" in other Islamic nations is not particularly just for Arab citizens, but it is uniquely oppressive for Christians. Radical Islamists in the northern Syrian city of Raqqa are using an ancient law called the "dhimmi pact" to extort local Christians. The community is faced with a grim choice: pay a tax and submit to a list of religious restrictions or "face the sword."

In the Islamic Republic of Iran, expressions of political dissent are regarded as acts of blasphemy. Last summer, three Iranian Christians caught selling Bibles were found guilty of "crimes against state security" and sentenced to 10 years in prison. They were relatively lucky. The regime has executed dozens of people for the so-called crimes of "waging war against God" and "spreading corruption on Earth." The scene unfolding in the Middle East is ominously familiar.

At the end of World War II, almost one million Jews lived in Arab lands. The creation of Israel in 1948 precipitated an invasion of five Arab armies. When they were unable to annihilate the newborn state militarily, Arab leaders launched a campaign of terror and expulsion that decimated their ancient Jewish communities. They succeeded in purging 800,000 Jews from their lands.

Read article in full

Jew wants to join Moroccan Islamists

 Jewish lawyer Isaac Charia 

Why would a Jew become an Islamist? Because he despairs of the state of  Moroccan politics. But will the PJD party accept Isaac Charia as a member?  This is an opportunity for party leader Abdelilah Benkiran, who is also Prime Minister,  to show his 'moderate' credentials. (With thanks: Michelle)

 Diversity Watch reports:

In a first, Isaac Charia, a Moroccan Jewish lawyer who is based in Rabat, submitted an application to join the Moroccan Islamist political party "PJD"

Mr. Charia said that he was a supporter of the party's agenda and that he wanted to join in order to work for change and to help the party in its efforts to fight corruption and improve transparency in governance and politics.

Despite being a small community in Morocco, many Moroccan Jews are active in politics, from the halls of the royal palace to the grassroots work in political parties.

Update: the BBC has a report (French) 

'I would rather a competent Jew over my incompetent Muslim party members' - Benkiran (with thanks: Noam)  

'What you see is what you get' - an assessment of PM Benkiran by blogger Noam Nir

Saturday, April 19, 2014

Egyptians intercept Jewish artefacts

Photos released by the Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities show (from top):  A Torah crown inscribed in the name of Shimon Weinstein, two tiks to enclose Torah scrolls, breastplates, Torah finials and rimonim bells, Yadim (pointers).

The Egyptian authorities have announced that they have intercepted a  hoard of Jewish artefacts on their way to Belgium. A smuggler's free-for-all is the result of the country's 'security vacuum' since the Arab Spring broke out two years ago. A Torah crown inscribed with the name Weinstein suggests that the hoard could have come from one of the country's Ashkenazi synagogues. Jews leaving Egypt were not allowed to take with them Jewish artefacts more than 100 years old: Egyptian law considers these antiquities.

CAIRO (AP) — Authorities in Egypt say they have seized a cache of Jewish religious artifacts that smugglers wanted to ship to Belgium at one of the country's main ports.

Antiquities Minister Mohammed Ibrahim said in a statement Friday that officials found the artifacts while searching cargo Thursday at the coastal city of Damietta.

Among the artifacts are a cylindrical wooden box plated in silver, which would have held Torah scrolls. Officials also found a silver knife dating to roughly 1890 with inscriptions, and bells commonly hung in synagogues.

A committee will study and date the cache, which the statement says "embodies a period of religious tolerance in Egypt's history."

Egypt has experienced a security vacuum since its 2011 uprising. Thousands of artifacts have been stolen.

Read article in full

Times of Israel

Friday, April 18, 2014

A perplexing rewriting of history

 Maimonides: the encyclopedia can't agree on the year of his birth

When does history become propaganda? When a new encyclopedia in French and English, supported by a huge promotional budget, sanitises Muslim-Jewish relations. Lyn Julius writes in the Times of Israel:

Maimonides, the great medieval Jewish thinker and physician, is famous for his Guide for the Perplexed. But readers of a glossy new 1150-page encyclopedia in English and French will be equally perplexed by accounts of Maimonides’ life that can’t even agree on the correct year of his birth.

The joint editors are a Tunisian professor at the university of Nanterre (Paris), Abdelwahab Meddeb, and Benjamin Stora, a Jewish professor of North African history and author of a history of the Jews of Algeria. The two men have been touring France, North Africa, Israel and Belgium promoting the encyclopedia.
“The Encyclopaedia of Jewish-Muslim relations from their origins to the present day” was launched in November 2013. There is a more modest English version, published by Princeton.

Critics such as the authority on Sephardi Jews, Professor Shmuel Trigano, have charged that the encyclopedia is nothing but a work of propaganda. It is all the more insidious because so much money has been spent on its promotion. Unusually for a book, the encyclopedia has a website all to itself and was the subject of a TV series on the French channel Arte.

Among the sponsors are The Alliance of Civilisations (co-sponsored by Spain and Turkey, and adopted as a UN initiative which excludes Israel from its Council of Friends), whose task is to change the ‘narrative’ by promoting the Spain of the Three Religions, the Andalusian Golden Age, and so forth.
Professor Trigano wrote:
An incredible publicity and ideological campaign is underway in France. Its target is world public opinion by way of the Jews, and more specifically Sephardi Jews – sorry, ‘Arab Jews’.
Dr. Rudi Roth, a mathematician and computer scientist who lives in Belgium, has spent hours combing through the encyclopedia, finding errors of omission and commission. He has contacted dozens of scholars and academics for their comments.

“It’s astonishing,” he says, “that an Encyclopaedia purporting to be precise and accessible, overseen by a 12-member scientific committee and more than one hundred contributors from the world’s top universities, contains major errors of fact and is sloppily edited.”

The encyclopedia variously lists Maimonides’ date of birth as 1135 or 1138 (the latter date is correct). Nowhere is it mentioned that his father was a Talmudic scholar, a mathematician and astronomer. On the other hand his son Abraham, like his father a physician and philosopher, is described as a Jewish ‘sufi,’ influenced by ‘Islamic mysticism.’

Aged 10, Maimonides was forced to leave his native Cordoba to escape the Almohad invasion. These were a tribe of fanatical Muslims who massacred Jews in Seville in 1147 and sought to forcibly convert Jews and Christians in Spain. But Maimonides’ flight is described as ‘an emigration.’ The family’s 12 years of wandering through Spain as it escaped persecution are passed over in silence. Arriving in Fez, Morocco, Maimonides was compelled to convert to Islam to spare his life. “It was only for appearances’ sake,” claims Mercedes Garcia-Arenal on page 143. Yet when he later rose to become head of the Jewish community in Cairo, Maimonides came under suspicion both from Muslims and Jews for living as a ‘converso.’

In his famous Epistle to the harassed Jews of Yemen (c.1172), Maimonides proffers advice. But Yehoshua Frenkel’s entry in English makes no mention of the persecution which the Yemenite Jews suffered. Similarly, no mention is made that Maimonides himself fled to Akko to escape Muslim persecution.
Maimonides died in Fostat (Old Cairo) in 1204, but Suzan Youssef (pps 1005 – 13) insists that he was also buried there. Yet historians are unanimous that his tomb is located in Tiberias.

Apart from the minimising of Jewish links with the land of Israel, Dr. Roth has identified inaccuracies and omissions that exaggerate Arab Muslim influence in culture and science while downplaying the Jewish contribution.

Read article in full

New Encyclopaedia is propaganda

Thursday, April 17, 2014

Driven from Tunisia to fight on in France

 Yael Konig, Tunisian-born author and poet

Yael Konig's early memories were of her family's flight as refugees from Tunisia, leaving everything behind. Your dowry will be your studies, said her father when they sought a haven in France, home of equal rights. But France is now also the home of rising antisemitism. In this lyrical article, Yael Konig says she will not abandon France, but will fight on against prejudice. (With thanks: Dominique)  

My grandmother's tears as she hugged my brother to suffocation; beyond, on the tarmac, a 'plane waiting impatiently to reach Marseilles; my mother frozen in the incomprehension of a situation beyond her understanding. These are a few of the images with which I departed the land of my distant ancestors, as it appears my blond locks and blue eyes would testify to my ancient affinity with Judaised Berber tribes led by the mythical Kahena. I was thus leaving in effect so as not to suffer the fate of that worthy but oh so unfortunate queen!

I was a child but my country Tunisia had already imprinted on me its beauty, its intimacy, its influence. Magnificent Tunisia!

They drove me out.

Who were 'they' - 'they' who had caused a break too great to imagine for a girl of eight. The mere thought of 'them' brought shivers of horror to my spine, fear of  redoutable persons unknown who had the power to shake up our personal space and destabilise my parents, those pillars holding up my childhood. 'They' made my mother cry, they fractured her life, stole away her bearings, deprived her of all her certainties.

'They' deprived my father of his life at the heart of his family, wrecked his sense of calm, wiped off his tranquil smile, extinguished his look. 'They' spend their time at best, driving us out, century after century, or trying to kill us. Why? Because we had the dubious priviliege of bringing monotheism to this planet? Because we were the only people who agreed to do so, while others balked?

Wednesday, April 16, 2014

Tunisian Jew stabbed on Djerba

 With thanks: Ahuva

The Al-Griba synagogue, Djerba, a main focus for the Tunisian tourist industry. 

A Tunisian Jew has been treated in hospital on the Tunisian island of Djerba after being stabbed.

The Israeli medium, quoting the Tunisian Ministry of the Interior, reports that the man's assailant has been arrested. According to the preliminary investigation, 'there is no political or religious motive'.

Lassad Tounsi, 38, attacked Maurice El-Bchiri, a merchant from the main area of Jewish settlement, the Hara Kbira, with a blunt tool, and stabbed him in several places.

Sources have described Tounsi as a 'religious extremist'.

The incident has not yet been confirmed or widely reported.

Djerba is an important centre for the Tunisian tourist industry. In the run-up to the yearly Lag Ba'Omer pilgrimage to the Al-Ghriba synagogue, which would attract thousands of Jewish tourists in a few weeks' time, the authorities would be understandably anxious to play down any antisemitic motive.

Read report in full

Tuesday, April 15, 2014

Henna traditions and Hametz

 Jewish singers in the 1930s, Tissint, Morocco

Did you know Henna dye is associated with Passover, although Jews did consider it Hametz (leaven, and therefore Henna preparation was forbidden during the week-long holiday)? Henna is also associated with the exuberance of the Song of Songs, which is read at this time of year. Fascinating post at Eshkol Hakofer (with thanks: Michelle) :

Since henna was a symbol of celebration, it’s not surprising that it would make an appearance on Passover. One fascinating account comes from a British soldier known only as “Colonel Scott,” who had joined the forces of the great Algerian leader ‘Abd al-Qadir (or Abd-el-Kader, as Scott spells it).

On April 5, 1841, Scott was staying in the town of Taza in the Highlands of Morocco, which happened to be the day before Passover.

He writes: “The Jews have been extremely busy the last few days, white-washing their houses, and making preparations for the celebration of the feast of the passover, which commences to-morrow” (1842, pg. 53).

 Sounds about right!

 "He continues (1842, pp. 53-54):

The Jewesses here not only dye their nails, but also their hands for this festival. Their manner of performing this operation is as follows; having made a paste of henna as thick as dough, they cover their hands with it to the thickness of a penny piece, they then have them bandaged up for the night; in the morning the paste being rubbed off, their hands are left a beautiful red; and so firmly does the dye take, that it remains on for eight or ten days, without any occasion for renewing the operation; at the expiration of the eight days, which time the feast lasts, they wash their hands and return to their usual occupations. 

"Passover is a week-long holiday, and so the henna was the perfect marker of this special time. Of course, he was mistaken if he thought that they washed their hands at the end of the week to remove the henna. But nonetheless it is an interesting account, and I imagine it must have been very visually striking.

 A similar tradition was found among the Jewish communities of Kurdistan. Brauer (whom we met previously here) briefly notes (1947, pg. 232): “women dye their hair and hands with henna before the holiday, since henna is imagined to be hametz.

 Hametz, literally ‘leaven,’ refers to the foods forbidden on Passover: anything made of grain (wheat, rye, spelt, barley, or oats) that has been or could have been fermented (i.e., not baked immediately into matza).

It should be obvious, then, that henna is not hametz, since it is not made of grain. However, apparently the women saw too much similarity between the process of mixing henna and letting it sit to allow the dye to release, and the process of kneading bread dough and letting it rise.

When describing how they mixed henna, Brauer explains (1947, pg. 99): “the women knead the henna in a tashta [shallow metal bowl], moistening it with warm water and adding hamirit hinna [the henna yeast], which is made of smokeh [sumac]. The henna needs to ferment [lehithametz] like bread dough, until the evening.”

Kurdish Jewish woman making bread, Israel, 1950s.

"The sumac, which is an acidic spice, would have helped the henna dye release, and they understood it to act as a kind of fermentation, calling it hamirit hinna [the yeast of the henna]. Thus it makes perfect sense why they would consider henna to be hametz!

This also might explain why I’ve never found any reference to henna celebrations for Mimouna, the Moroccan Jewish festival at the end of Passover. While it would fit in perfectly, if henna was cleaned out at the beginning of the holiday and people had dyed their hands already, then I understand why people wouldn’t have henna at the Mimouna.  

Read post in full

Monday, April 14, 2014

Celebrating the First Exodus

The way we were: Upmarket Seder in Morocco

It's that time again: Passover, the festival of the liberation of the Children of Israel from bondage in Egypt, is here. Tonight, millions will sit down to a ritual Seder and eat symbolic foods to remember the Biblical Exodus.

Courtesy of the Moroccan-Jewish site Dafina, Point of No Return brings you a rendering by Rav Avraham Yossef Ouziel in  Judeo-Arabic of the Haggadah, the story of Passover.

Wishing all those who are celebrating Passover HAG SAMEAH and TISKU LESHANIM RABOT. 

Sunday, April 13, 2014

What happens now to Syria's Jewish past?

 Gunmen inside the shell of Aleppo's Great Synagogue

 How should the past in Arab states be maintained once the Jews have gone? asks Adam Blitz in Haaretz.  It's a good question. Before the Syrian civil war broke out and Jewish sites became a propaganda football tossed between the regime and the rebels, the Damascus Jewish quarter and synagogues were part of a restoration programme.  Forgive my cynicism, dear reader, but the government's main motive was not 'cooperation' or the preservation of Jewish memory, but lucrative western tourism. 
Immediately before the onset of the Syrian civil war two years ago, there were only a handful of Jews left in Damascus. But many synagogues – over a dozen – were still standing, a testament to a once-diverse community composed of Syrian Jews of ancient local lineage, as well as 'recent' Jews who immigrated from Iberia and Italy from the 16th century onwards. The Al-Raqay synagogue (Iraqi) and the Franji synagogue (Senores Francos, a reference to Italian Jews of the 16th century) were familiar fixtures in the communal landscape.

Damascus' traditional Jewish Quarter, Harat Al Yahud, in the south-east of the Old City, remained derelict and largely abandoned for many years after its Jewish inhabitants left, especially after Syrian independence and the UN partition of Palestine vote in 1947, which triggered pogroms against Jews in Aleppo and Damascus.

Harat Al Yahud's demise should be seen in the broader context of a city experiencing mass Jewish emigration, negative population growth, and a lack of social policy to address urban decay. In a country where nearly 90% of the housing is owner-occupied, the task of reviving any of the residential quarters of the Old City on a private basis remained a challenge. Assad's regime attempted to re-house Palestinian refugees in and amongst the remaining Jewish population, and offered the refugees subsidized rents, but it was not until a decade ago that Harat-Al Yahud would be regenerated.

Change came in 2004 when the Syrian sculptor Mustafa Ali bought the Bukhais ancestral home. The family of silk traders had left more than fifteen years prior. By 2005 their residence had been restored to its former glory and transformed into an art gallery. In the course of time, forty additional artists followed Ali’s lead and pitched camp in the Jewish Quarter.

Concurrent with the rise of an artists’ colony was a government-sponsored program to restore the Old City’s synagogues. This interest in minority affairs was spurred by the secularist ideology of the Assad regime which, somewhat instrumentally, voiced frequent affirmations of a multi-ethnic Syria.

Despite this gesture, there still remained no scientific attempt to survey the synagogues (before the rapid restoration program) or to catalog their holdings. The last attempt to grapple seriously with the Jewish record in Damascus was in 1995, when the photo-journalist Robert Lyons produced a survey for the World Monument Fund’s Jewish Heritage Program, which managed to cover 75% of the extant sites.

Still the question persists: How should the past be maintained once the Jews have gone? There have been examples of cooperation between Middle East authorities and their expatriate Jewish communities: The Beiruti community in France engaged with the Lebanese government and secured the eventual restoration of the Magen Avraham Synagogue. There are other examples of Iraqi Jewish artifacts, once illegally confiscated by the Iraqi authorities, that are now on loan to institutions in the U.S. (The expatriate Iraqi-Jewish community is NOT cooperating in this case. These artifacts ended up in the US for restoration by happenstance - if they had not been saved by an American Jew, the authorities would certainly have allowed them to rot in Iraq - ed)   

Then there are examples of where cooperation has soured. The Iraqis are now demanding the return of the Jewish archive. In Egypt, the remaining Jews have voiced criticism of the state’s involvement in the handling of their heritage sites – while this tiny community’s monuments have received state protection from potential Islamist violence.

I myself have pleaded that Jewish artifacts in Damascus’ synagogues should fall under the control of Syria's Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums. I have stressed the diligence of Dr. Abdulkarim, its director, and this has triggered discussions about the future of Jewish sites in both the free press as well as – surprisingly - Hezbollah's Al Manar, which accused the "Zionist intelligence agency", in coordination with al-Qaida, of stealing treasures from the Jobar synagogue via a commando unit to made up of combatants "of Arab origins: Iraqi, Moroccan and Lebanese, and were dressed in Islamist jihadists’ uniforms."

Syria's synagogues are now a battlefield for misinformation and half-truths by both the Assad regime and its opponents, with YouTube videos purporting to show plundered synagogues and blame thrown at both sides.  I simply do not believe that in the case of the Jobar synagogue the destruction has been as total as that put forward by these heavily edited and politically-engaged 'reports'. It is clear that several weeks ago the synagogue’s exterior was shelled, but it seems equally clear that the resulting press coverage has not differentiated between the exterior and the prayer hall across the courtyard.

What I do know is that the most recent videos in this media onslaught are composite pieces of propaganda. At a time when coverage of Syria’s war is mediated by soldiers, outsiders and the protégés of various warring factions, the free press should not be so quick to respond to online claims made by interested parties.

This virtual world often consists of hearsay and at other times mere subterfuge; the Syrian reciprocal blame game operates for every site that is reported damaged, and terms like "burned" or "destroyed" are standard phrases on both sides.  To the long list of the casualties of this most brutal war, it's clear that the first victim, as always, is the truth.

Read article in full 

Adam Blitz will be giving a talk in London on Syria's Jewish heritage for Harif on 11 June

Friday, April 11, 2014

Yemen positive press not that surprising

 Yemenites in Israel pictured with President Peres (photo: Yemen media)

Over at Elder of Ziyon, that most venerable blogger of bloggers has been marvelling at the fact that two articles in the Yemen press about Yemenite Jews have not attempted to whitewash their sometimes uncomfortable history.

It's not the first time that such sympathetic pieces have appeared. This one  published in June 2013 was remarkable for pulling no punches.

Elder of Ziyon reckons that these latest articles mark a significant change for the better. I would venture to suggest that much of the antisemitism in Yemen originated among the Shi'as of the north, and these are the same warring tribes causing the government trouble today. So there is no incentive for opinion-formers and official mouthpieces to gloss over the historical facts.

Another reason is that human rights and women's groups in Yemen are active on behalf of the 100 or so remaining Jews because they understand that Jewish rights are the thin end of the wedge for society at large.

A further reason could be the large numbers of converts to Islam of Jewish origin.

Finally,  the articles identified by EoZ cannot resist dredging up the usual Israel-bashing allegations, charging that the Zionist state discriminated against its Yemenite Jews, and restating the story of the Yemenite children who were abducted or mysteriously disappeared when their families arrived in Israel. So they are not as positive as all that.

The discrimination and abductions did happen, but they have been exaggerated for political ends. What was once considered acceptable is today termed 'abuse' or 'politically incorrect'.

Yemen Press article (translation by Google)

Turkish expulsion could have been worse

 Jamal Pasha, Ottoman military governor of Syria, on the shores of the Dead Sea (Wikimedia)

Why during the First World War did the Ottoman Turks commit genocide against the Armenians, but spared the Jews ? This article in the Armenian news medium Asbarez  says that the answer, according to a book by Israeli Professor Yair  Auron, amounts to 'the Jewish lobby'. This is not to underestimate the great suffering endured by non-Ottoman Jews deported north from Palestine on the eve of Passover 1917: some 1, 500 Jewish deportees are estimated to have died.

Armenians and Jews, as minorities in the Ottoman Empire, were convenient scapegoats for the whims of ruthless Turkish leaders. Interestingly, the Young Turks used the same arguments for deporting both Armenians and Jews. The Turks had accused Armenians for cooperating with the advancing Russian Army, while similarly blaming Jews for cooperating with British forces invading Ottoman Palestine. Furthermore, Jews were accused of planning to establish their own homeland in Palestine, just as Armenians were allegedly establishing theirs in Eastern Turkey. In yet another parallel, Jamal Pasha, one of the members of the Young Turk triumvirate, had cynically commented that he was “expelling the Jews for their own good,” just as Armenians were forcefully removed “away from the war zone” for their own safety!

In 1914, when Turkey entered World War I on the German side and against the Allied Powers (England, Russia, and France), Palestine became a theater of war. Turkish authorities imposed a war tax on the population, which fell more heavily on the Jewish settlers. Their properties and other possessions were confiscated by the Turkish military. Some Jewish settlers were used as slave labor to build roads and railways. Alex Aaronsohn, a Jewish settler in Zichron Yaacov, wrote in his diary: “an order had recently come from the Turkish authorities, bidding them surrender whatever firearms or weapons they had in their possession. A sinister command, this: we knew that similar measures had been taken before the terrible Armenian massacres, and we felt that some such fate might be in preparation for our people,” as quoted in Yeghiayan’s “Pro Armenia.”

In Fall 1914, the Turkish regime issued an expulsion order for all “enemy nationals,” including 50,000 Russian Jews who had escaped from Czarist persecutions and settled in Palestine. After repeated intercessions by German Ambassador Hans Wangenheim and American Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, these “enemy nationals” were allowed to stay in Palestine, if they agreed to acquire Ottoman citizenship.

Nevertheless, on December 17, 1914, Jamal Pasha’s subordinate, Bahaeddin, governor of Jaffa, implemented the expulsion order, deporting 500 Jews who were grabbed from the streets and dragged to police headquarters, and from there forced to board ships docked in the harbor. Homes of Jewish settlers were searched for weapons. Hebrew-language signs were removed from shops and the Jewish school of Jaffa was closed down. Zionist organizations were dissolved, and on January 25, 1915, the Turkish authorities issued a declaration against “the dangerous element known as Zionism, which is struggling to create a Jewish government in the Palestinian area of the Ottoman Kingdom….”

In response to protests from Amb. Morgenthau and the German government, Constantinople reversed the deportation order and Bahaeddin was removed from his post. According to Prof. Auron, the condition of the Jewish settlers could have been much worse had it not been for “the influence of world Jewry on Turkish policy…. The American, German, and Austrian Jewish communities succeeded in restraining some of its harsher aspects. Decrees were softened; overly zealous Turkish commanders were replaced and periods of calm followed the times of distress.”

Back in 1913, Pres. Wilson had instructed Amb. Morgenthau upon his appointment: “‘Remember that anything you can do to improve the lot of your co-religionists is an act that will reflect credit upon America, and you may count on the full power of the Administration to back you up.’ Morgenthau followed this advice faithfully,” according to Isaiah Friedman’s book, “Germany, Turkey and Zionism: 1897-1918.” After arranging for the delivery of much needed funds from American Jews to Jaffa, Morgenthau wrote to Arthur Ruppen, director of the Palestine Development Association: “I have been the chosen weapon to take up the defense of my co-religionists….”

In spring 1917, the Turkish authorities issued a second order to deport 5,000 Jews from Tel Aviv. Aaron Aaronsohn, leader of the Nili group – a small Jewish underground organization in Palestine working for British intelligence – immediately disseminated the news of the deportation to the international media. Aaronsohn secretly met with British diplomat Mark Sykes in Egypt and through him sent an urgent message to London on April 28, 1917: “Tel Aviv has been sacked. 10,000 Jews in Palestine are now without home or food. Whole of Yishuv [Jewish settlements in Palestine] is threatened with destruction. Jamal [Pasha] has publicly stated Armenian policy will now be applied to Jews.”

Upon receiving Aaronsohn’s reports from Palestine, Chaim Weizmann, a key pro-British Zionist in London, transmitted the following message to Zionist leaders in various European capitals: “Jamal Pasha openly declared that the joy of Jews at the approach of British troops would be short lived as he would them share the fate of the Armenians…. Jamal Pasha is too cunning to order cold-blooded massacres. His method is to drive the population to starvation and death by thirst, epidemics, etc….”

American Jews were outraged hearing of the deportations in Palestine. News reports were issued throughout Western countries on “Turkish intentions to exterminate the Jews in Palestine,” according to Prof. Auron. Moreover, influential Jewish businessmen in Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire demanded that their governments pressure Turkish leaders to abandon their plans to deport Jews. Jamal Pasha was finally forced to rescind the expulsion order and provided food and medical assistance to Jewish refugees in Tel Aviv.

Read article in full 

Exodus TO Egypt: the forgotten refugees of 1917 

Thursday, April 10, 2014

Gina Waldman : I escaped with my life

With thanks: Michelle

 Gina Waldman slept in a bathtub when she and her sister spent two years in a small apartment in Rome, arriving as refugees from Libya in 1967 before finally resettling in the USA. Here she tells her dramatic story of escape to Ezra Levant, talk show host at the Toronto TV station Sun News. 

My only gripe is this introduction:

Ezra talks to Gina Waldman, a Libyan Jew whose family was kicked out of the country because of the creation of Israel.

Gina Waldman was not kicked out because of the creation of Israel. She left almost 20 years after the creation of Israel as a result of Libyan antisemitism.

That antisemitism singled out Jews whose families had lived in Libya for generations - some for thousands of years.

It must be pointed out that some of the worst anti-Jewish agitation took place before the creation of Israel: over 130 Libyan Jews were massacred in 1945 and thousands made homeless.

Read Gina's personal story in more detail

Wednesday, April 09, 2014

Do compare Jewish and Arab refugees

 A Jewish refugee from the old city of Jerusalem in 1948

Just because the Palestinian refugee problem has not been solved and the Jewish refugee problem has, does not mean that a comparison should not be made and claims on both sides taken into account, argues Lyn Julius in this Huffington Post article:

A few weeks ago the Al-Jazeera Arabic channel carried a report on starving Palestinian refugees in a Syrian camp. In a sequence that must have slipped the editor's notice, an elderly man moaned in desperation to the camera: "Take us to the Jews. They will feed us!"

In that unguarded moment, two things were revealed: first -- Palestinian refugees are being deprived of a humanitarian solution to their plight. Second -- Arabs know full well that Israelis look after their own -- and not only their own -- but try and help others.

Nowhere is the contrast more stark than in the treatment of the two sets of refugees which arose out of the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. A fair proportion of the 711,000 Arab refugees were left to languish -- and now starve -- in refugee camps as a longstanding reproach to Israel. Some 850,000 Jewish refugees were ultimately absorbed and given full citizens' rights in Israel and the West.
In the last month, the Canadian House of Commons decided to back a government committee recommendation to recognize the experience of Jewish refugees from Arab countries.

Yet Jewish voices, especially on the left, argue that, simply because one problem has been solved and the other hasn't, the Jewish refugees from Arab countries should not be tied to the fate of Palestinian refugees.

Some like to see the Jewish refugee issue as 'right-left' issue, an unnecessary impediment to a peaceful settlement with the Palestinians. 'Right-wing Zionists', some leftists claim, have long used the issue of Arab Jewish refugees to 'compete with' and 'derail' the claims of Palestinians.

It is true that the 'right-wing' Netanyahu government has been the most pro-active so far in raising the issue of Jewish refugees. But 'right-wingers' have been particularly reluctant to undermine the classic narrative that these Jews were not refugees, but Zionists returning to their ancestral homeland. For instance, the 'right-wing' government under Menachem Begin did little to champion the rights of the Mizrahi constituency that elected him.
In fact, Israeli governments of all stripes have been accused of neglecting the Jewish refugee issue.

However, far from being the preserve of shadowy interest groups, the issue attracted a rare consensus in Israeli politics when a 2010 Knesset law requiring compensation for Jewish refugees to be on the peace agenda was passed.
The call for recognition and compensation predates the current push by the Canadian government, and even the 2008 US Congressional resolution, demanding equal treatment for all refugees.

The legal underpinnings of Jewish refugee rights are unassailable. All bilateral and multilateral agreements signed by Israel use generic language about refugees. UN Security Resolution 242, for instance, refers to a solution to the 'refugee problem' -- carefully worded to cover both sets. On two occasions, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) ruled that Jews fleeing Arab states were bona fide refugees.

Advocates for Jewish rights do not seek to delegitimize Palestinian claims. But it is a feature of the prevailing discourse that Jewish refugee rights are dismissed as an impediment to peace, denigrated or ignored, while Arab rights -- including the much-vaunted 'right of return' -- are put on a pedestal. Only Arab refugees may enjoy the exclusive support of the UN agency UNWRA. Only Arab refugees may pass on their refugee status from generation to generation so that, exceptionally amongst the world's displaced peoples, five million people can now claim to be Palestinian 'refugees'.

For precisely these reasons Jewish and Arab refugees must be compared.
It is beyond dispute that there were two sets of refugees in 1948. It is not a suffering competition, but the rights of refugees carry no statute of limitations. What about the human rights of these Jews who fled violence and persecution with one suitcase ? Would they or their descendants ratify a peace referendum that ignored their rights?

Recognizing the narrative of 50 percent of the Israeli population who descend from Jewish refugees from Arab and Muslim countries could well be the key to reconciliation.

What have Jewish refugees got to do with the Palestinians, critics ask? The current negotiations are between Israel and Palestine, not Israel and its neighbors.
The conflict has linked Jewish refugees with the Palestinians since the 1930s when the Palestinian Arab leadership became complicit in victimizing Jews in Arab countries and dragged five Arab states into the 1948 war against Israel. This war resulted in the displacement of some 40,000 Jewish refugees from Jerusalem and the West Bank, in addition to the 850,000 forced to leave Arab states.

Arab states themselves cemented the link when they criminalized Zionism, persecuted their innocent Jewish citizens as 'the Jewish minority of Palestine' and stole their assets.

More proof of such a link is the fact that the Arab League plays an active role in the present 'bilateral 'peace talks. Moreover, Arab states such as Lebanon, Syria and Egypt hosting populations of Palestinian refugees have an essential role to play in solving the refugee problem. A good start would be for the Arab League to rescind the 1950s Law prohibiting Palestinians from becoming citizens 'to avoid the dissolution of their identity'*.

It is not Israel bombing and starving refugees to death in Syria. The desperate pleas of an old man in a Syrian refugee camp demand a humanitarian solution for all the citizens of that miserable country.

To fail to call to account the Arab League for their mistreatment of Palestinian refugees, however, would be to reward them for their deliberate policy of political exploitation.

Equally, to ignore the human rights of Jewish refugees will not make them go away.

Arabs and Israelis could only bring about an overall end to their conflict if the rights of displaced refugees on all sides are recognized.

Is it not right that both sides should have their claims taken into account? What sort of reconciliation would be built on cock-eyed justice?

Read article in full 

Translation into Polish

*Ed's note: In 1959, the Arab League passed Resolution 1457: "The Arab countries will not grant citizenship to applicants of Palestinian origin in order to prevent their assimilation into the host countries."

Tuesday, April 08, 2014

The Mufti's Nazi war against the Jews

The wartime Palestinian Grand Mufti of Jerusalem's alliance with Nazism is well known, but less known is the murderous impact of Nazi propaganda, not just in Palestine, but in the Arab world, resulting in the 1945 riots in Egypt and Libya. Writing in the Jerusalem Post, Edy Cohen has uncovered some important research:

Haviv Kanaan, who was a researcher, journalist and police commander during the British Mandate, wrote many books about Nazi propaganda. After he retired from the Police, Kanaan began working as a journalist for Haaretz and researching the construction of the concentration camps in Palestine and uncovered the mufti’s plan to build incinerators in the Dotan Valley. Kanaan based his conclusion on the testimony of Faiz Bay Idrisi, who was a senior Arab officer in the Mandate Police and a Jerusalem area district commander.

Idrisi is quoted as saying, “Chills go through my body even today as I recall what I heard back then from police officials and mufti supporters [when General Field Marshal Erwin Rommel was about to enter Egypt as part of the 1942 El Alamein campaign].

Haj Amin Husseini was preparing to enter Jerusalem at the head of the Muslim Arab Legion squadron he’d created for the army of the Third Reich. The mufti’s grand plan was to build huge Auschwitz- like crematoria near Nablus, to which Jews from Palestine, Iraq, Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Lebanon and North Africa would be sent and then be gassed, just like the Jews were by the SS in Europe.”(Emphasis mine)

Kanaan also tells how once, when he was carrying out his research, he met a retired German diplomat who had refused to join the Nazi Party. He told Kanaan, “I cannot say with certainty what lay in store for the Jews living in the Land of Israel, but I do know that their entire existence would have been at stake had Rommel succeeded in conquering the Middle East.”

Kanaan’s full-length study was published in Haaretz on March 2, 1970. Kanaan wrote a book about the El Alamein campaign called 200 days of fear – the Land of Israel against Rommel’s Army, in which he describes how the Jews in Palestine prepared for a possible Nazi attack from Egypt.

To collect information about the mufti’s plans, Kanaan traveled to Germany where he met with officials who were knowledgeable about them. In fact, after the defeat in the summer of 1942 at El Alamein as well as on other fronts, the mufti realized that the Third Reich’s days were numbered, and so he prepared another plan: conquest of the Middle East by the Nazi army, whose first order of business would be the annihilation of the 250,000 Jews in Tel Aviv. The mufti believed that the extermination of the Jews would stimulate the Arabs in Palestine and Egypt to revolt against the British and carry out a jihad (holy war).

These holy warriors would release the Arabs from tyranny of British and French colonialism.

Kanaan uncovered proof that the Germans invested heavily in this program and even established spy networks throughout the Arab world. Kanaan describes how senior German officials such as Heinrich Himmler and Hermann Goering took part in these discussions, although Hitler himself was never involved. The fact that most Arab countries were pro-British made it quite difficult to implement this program, and then the Third Reich began to collapse on all fronts, making it practically impossible.

It’s no coincidence that just a few months after Nazi Germany surrendered, on November 2, 1945, the anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, many synagogues were burned down in Egypt and dozens of Jews were killed on the streets of Cairo.

And it was also no coincidence that on that same day, hundreds of Jews in Libya were killed, nine synagogues were desecrated, and hundreds of Jewish homes and shops were looted and burned down. There is no doubt that these attacks on Egyptian and Libyan Jews, which took place exactly on the anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, were the result of the mufti’s machinations and his influence on leaders of the Arab world. These events were the direct consequence of propaganda the mufti had been circulating for years. Generations of Muslims, including the Salameh family, were being raised on such beliefs. The mufti’s actions had prepared the ground for attacks on Jews in Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.

A plan to compensate Jews who escaped from Arab countries due to harassment and persecution is currently being discussed in the Knesset and in coordination with the US government. It’s important that Israeli politicians not only understand the historical background that led up to the displacement of Jews from Arab countries, but also the direct connection between their fate and what the Palestinians call the Nakba.

Read article in full

Monday, April 07, 2014

Safety concerns cast doubt on archive return

 The Museum of Jewish Heritage in New York, where the Iraqi-Jewish archive exhibit will be on display until 18 May

A travel advisory issued by the US is expected to have important ramifications for the ongoing dispute over the Iraqi-Jewish archive, due to be returned after restoration in the US to Baghdad in June 2014.

The warning, issued yesterday, cites "ongoing security concerns in Iraq, including kidnapping and terrorist violence." The warning noted that Baghdad International Airport has been hit by mortar rounds and rockets.
It said that said the US embassy is "extremely limited" in its ability to respond to situations that U.S. citizen might face in the Middle Eastern country.

The precarious security situation casts grave doubt on Iraq’s assurances that the archive will be safe on its return to Baghdad.

Resolutions approved in the  US House of Representatives and Senate ‘strongly recommend’ that the terms of the agreement to return the archive be renegotiated.

State department officials and senior Iraqi leaders are currently hammering out the legal details of a new arrangement with a view to extending the archive’s stay in the US.

In response to representations by an Iraqi-Jewish constituent, Congressman (Republican) for Tennessee Stephen Fincher wrote:

“We share your concern and understand their value (of the archive) to the Iraqi-American community and to others in the United States. That is why we are in discussions with high levels of Iraqi government and other interested parties aimed at finding a mutually-agreeable  approach to ensuring continued access and extending perhaps significantly the period of time the IJA exhibit remains in the US. I am pleased to inform you that these discussions are producing positive results and that the Government of Iraq is showing that it understands the value could provide for US-Iraq relations."

When the exhibition of the Archive at the Museum of Jewish Heritage in New York ends on 18 May, additional venues to host the IJA exhibit will have to be found.

On 30 April, elections due are to be held in Iraq. Opposition factions may try to exploit them in order to undermine current US-Iraqi current negotiations.

To advance peace, integrate refugee issue

 Former justice minister Irwin Cotler: surprised at Canadian government's reasoning 

The Canadian government has recognised Jewish refugees - but its failure to accept a second recommendation, to integrate the issue into the peace process, reflects a refusal to see the wars against Israel as primarily ideological. The Jewish Tribune reports (with thanks: Eliyahu):  

(...) the government has said that it won’t be complying with the second of the report’s two recommendations, which requires it to work to have the plight of those refugees included in the Arab-Israeli peace talks.

Liberal MP and former Justice Minister Irwin Cotler, an honourary co-chair of Justice for Jewish Refugees from Arab Countries, told the Jewish Tribune in a telephone interview that he was surprised by the government’s response to the second recommendation.

“I also didn’t understand the government’s reasoning when it [said] the current Israeli-Palestinian negotiations take place in the context of the Arab Peace Initiative,” said Colter. “They’re actually taking place in the context of the US initiative and the Kerry proposals for a framework agreement in which the US itself has acknowledged that the issue of the Jewish refugees from Arab countries may well be part of the framework principles.”

Frank Dimant, CEO, B’nai Brith Canada, said, “I have always found Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s positions on issues to be principled and forthright, especially regarding the Middle East. I am confident he will ensure that the totality of the report will be manifested, as the issue of compensation for Jews who were forced to flee Arab countries is an integral part of the solution to the Middle East conflict.”

Dimant added, “It is especially rewarding to note that all factions in parliament were in agreement with the principles that were enunciated in the report.”
David Matas, senior honorary legal counsel, B’nai Brith and legal counsel, Justice for Jewish Refugees from Arab Countries, said in a statement that Canada will not be advancing the cause of peace through its refusal to act on the report’s second recommendation.

“What has driven the wars against Israel, from their inception to today, is anti-Zionism,” wrote Matas. “The wars against Israel are primarily ideological. Keeping the ideology of the war partly intact means keeping the will to wage war, the incitement to war and the war itself intact. The only way to peace is to combat the anti-Zionist narrative straight on.”

Read article in full 

What made Canada recognise Jewish refugees? 

Sunday, April 06, 2014

Jewish message to Copts is wrong

 A Coptic mass in Cairo (photo: Amr Nabil/AP)

 Jewish leader to Coptic pope: "do not let your people leave." That's the message that Magda Haroun, whose Jewish community is almost extinct, has tried to convey to the leader of  Egypt's Copts fleeing in droves. But Haroun does not address the real problem: the state's failure to protect its minorities. You can't blame them for leaving, if staying means risking life limb and property.

Paul Marshall filed this report for Fox News:

If you walk down bustling Adly Street in downtown Cairo, it is easy to miss the large gray building. But if you trace the address and stop there, you’ll notice the Stars of David carved on the walls. And then you’ll see the security checkpoint and the guards.

If you want to go into the Adly Street Synagogue and its offices, you must surrender your passport or other identity documents.

Certainly, the plainclothes security men are there to protect the synagogue and those close by — but they are also able to keep a detailed record of all those who visit.

My colleague Sam Tadros and I visited there in February to meet Magda Haroun, the leader of Egypt’s tiny remaining Jewish community. In living memory there were nearly 100,000  Jews in Egypt. Just weeks ago there were 15 left in all the country: 12 in Cairo, three in Alexandria. All were aged, and only one was a man.

Last month, after the death of Magda’s sister, Nadia, there are only 14.
There is no rabbi, so there are no Jewish marriages, even if there were any Jews of marriageable age and prospect.

When we met Magda, a part of her seemed tired and weary, a jaded realist knowing all too well the bleak prospects for her people in Egypt. Yet she was also full of energy, and even of guarded hope.

She told us she did not work to preserve her living community, which dates back to Moses and is probably the second oldest Jewish community in the world.  That community will end very soon; and for the foreseeable future, it will not return.
What she works for instead is to protect and preserve the heritage and memory of Jewish life in Egypt. She takes care of 17 synagogues in Cairo, and she hopes she can help create a museum of Egyptian Jewish life.

She is driven by the commitment and hope that people will not be able to forget that “there were once Jews in Egypt.”

Magda was also the first leader of the Jewish community to be invited to the installation of Pope Tawadros, chosen in 2013 to head the Coptic Orthodox church, home to over 90 percent of Egypt’s Christians. The term “Copt” is simply a brief form of “Egypt,” and this church traces its origins back to St. Mark, the author of Mark’s Gospel.

Egypt’s Christians, some 10 percent of the population, are by far the largest non-Muslim minority in the Middle East, and they are now also under threat.
On Aug. 14 last year, in one single day, 41 churches in Egypt were razed in a matter of hours. This was probably the largest single pogrom against Egypt’s Christians in the last 700 years.

Amnesty International reports that over 150 other Christian buildings were attacked on that day and the two days that followed. The attacks came from Muslim Brotherhood supporters after the Egyptian military attacked their armed camps and demonstrations in Cairo. Many Brotherhood members have apparently decided to make Christians the scapegoats for the army’s removal of their political leader, President Mohamed Morsi, and their attacks on Copts continue to this day.

Read report in full

Saturday, April 05, 2014

How Adel turned into Oded (updated)

Oded Amit (left) with the storyteller Yossi Alfi

Oded Amit is a man with two names - two distinct personae - one Israeli, one Arab. He has been known as Oded since his arrival in Israel in 1970. But his given name in his native Iraq was Adel Muallem.

Oded told his story on Israeli TV in this 15-minute interview (Hebrew).

He should have been named Eliyahu, but his father decided to give him the Arabic name Adel (meaning 'straighforward') even before he was born. It was a safe choice, denoting that he could be considered as either Jewish or Muslim. Muallem was also neutral, meaning 'teacher' in Arabic. The reason for his father's caution: the 1950s were a delicate time to be a Jew in Iraq. Over 100, 000 Jews, second-class citizens, chose to take advantage of a window of opportunity to emigrate legally en masse to Israel in 1950 - 51. They were stripped of their Iraqi citizenship and their property frozen.

Oded's family thought seriously about joining their relatives in Israel. His mother was especially keen, but his father, an accountant in a Jewish firm, feared that he would be forced into a low-status job in Israel. He chose to stay behind in Iraq with his family. Oded grew up in a cocooned environment centred on his Jewish Frank Iny school and Jewish clubs.

The father's decision seemed to have been vindicated during General Kassem's 'golden age'. Between 1958 and 1963, Jews were considered equal citizens and could come and go as they pleased.

However,  Baath party rule soon ushered in a terrible period for the Jews. Soon after the 1967 war with Israel, Oded received a knock on the door. He was arrested and taken to prison. The authorities were threatening to accuse him of spying for the US or Israel. He was only released on payment of a large bribe.

Oded witnessed the hangings of nine innocent Jews in Baghdad's Liberation Square in January 1969. He determined to keep his head down on his engineering studies and dared not even leave the room in the breaks between lessons. He kept in mind his father's philosophy: 'the night is always darkest before the dawn.' In other words, however bad things were, they could only get better.

Oddly enough, however, Oded did find an outlet: he played the guitar and started a pop group. He composed his own songs. The band would play at Jewish weddings and Barmitzvahs.

However, Oded was desperate to leave Iraq and on 14 July 1970, the opportunity presented itself. He could join a party of Jews being smuggled out through northern Iraq into Iran, then an ally of Israel (all but a few hundred of the 3,000 Jews still in Iraq fled in this way). To the Iranian soldiers at the border suspicious that he might be an Iraqi deserter, he shouted the only Farsi word he knew: 'kalimi' (Jew).

He felt 'like a king' as the Jewish Agency arranged his departure to Israel.  It was goodbye Adel Muallem, hello Oded Amit.

Nadia, Oded's sister, adds:

My father did not emigrate to Israel in the 1950 because he was scared of the unknown and how to support a family of three young children. My sister Norma was 7, Adel was 3 & I was 2.

Adel escaped with me and another two young couples on 15th November 1970. We stayed in Iran until our papers were ready and we arrived in Tel Aviv on 3 December 1970. Our escape was arranged by Kurds through the Frank Iny school where I was a teacher.

When we escaped, Israel did not know that our group of Jews was planning to escape. I later learned at a Zionist conference in Jerusalem that Israel had a special arrangement with the Iraqi government to turn a blind eye to escaping Jews. They even had a representative on the border to Iran. We were the only group that did not notify Israel. When we arrived, the Iranians did not know who we were and became suspicious until we got to Tehran and got in touch with the Israeli Consulate.  A Jewish boy who escaped before us vouched for us.

 When we arrived in Israel, we did not recognize any of our relatives. No one from the Muallem family recognized us because the Muallems who were related to us had changed their surname to Amit. The representative of the Jewish Agency hosted us in her flat until our grandmother was tracked down in Beersheva. One relative led us to a HUGE family. Adel then changed his name to Oded Amit. I stuck to my name!